— Michael Novakhov (@mikenov) May 5, 2023
The sparrow-faced man in the battle uniform of an American general clambered down the steps of the U.S. Army transport plane upon its arrival at Washington National Airport. It was August 24, 1945, two weeks after the surrender of Japan, three months after the German capitulation. The general was hustled into a van with no windows and whisked to Fort Hunt outside the capital. There he was attended by white-jacketed orderlies and, the next morning, fitted with a dark-grey business suit from one of Washington’s swankiest men’s stores. General Reinhard Gehlen was ready to cut a deal. Reinhard Gehlen had been, up until the recent capitulation, Adolph Hitler’s chief intelligence officer against the Soviet Union. His American captors had decked him out in one of their uniforms to deceive the Russians, who were hunting him as a war criminal. Now U.S. intelligence was going to deploy Gehlen and his network of spies against the Russians. The Cold War was on.
This is a story of how key nazis, even as the Wehrmacht was still on the offensive, anticipated military disaster and laid plans to transplant nazism, intact but disguised, in havens in the West. It is the story of how honorable men, and some not so honorable, were so blinded by the Red menace that they fell into lockstep with nazi designs. It is the story of the Odd Couple Plus One: the mob, the CIA and fanatical exiles, each with its own reason for gunning for Kennedy. It is a story that climaxes in Dallas on November 22, 1963 when John Kennedy was struck down. And it is a story with an aftermath — America’s slide to the brink of fascism. As William L. Shirer, author of The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, put it in speaking of the excesses of the Nixon administration, “We could become the first country to go fascist through free elections.”
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General Reinhard Gehlen, shown (center) in a rare photograph taken during WWII.
Even Robert Ludlum would have been hard put to invent a more improbable espionage yam. In the eyes of the CIA Reinhard Gehlen was an “asset” of staggering potential. He was a professional spymaster, violently anti-Communist and, best of all, the controller of a vast underground network still in place inside Russian frontiers. His checkered past mattered not. “He’s on our side and that’s all that matters,” chuckled Allen Dulles, a U.S. intelligence officer during the war who later headed the CIA. “Besides, one need not ask a Gehlen to one’s club.” Gehlen negotiated with his American “hosts” with the cool hand of a Las Vegas gambler. When the German collapse was at hand, he had looked to the future. He lugged all his files into the Bavarian Alps and cached them at a site called, appropriately, Misery Meadows. Then he buried his Wehrmacht uniform with the embroidered eagle and swastika, donned an Alpine coat, and turned himself in to the nearest U.S. Army detachment. When the advancing Russians searched his headquarters at Zossen, all they found were empty file cabinets and litter.
The deal Gehlen struck with the Americans was not, for obvious reasons, released to the Washington Post. As Heinz Hohne and Hermann Zolling phrased it in The General Was A Spy, the German general took his entire apparatus, “unpurged and without interruption, into the service of the American superpower.” There is no evidence that he ever renounced the Third Reich’s postwar plan, advanced by his own family’s publishing house, to colonize vast regions of Eastern Russia, create a huge famine for 40,000,000, and treat the remaining 50,000,000 “racially inferior Slavs as slaves.”
Allen Dulles may not have invited such a man to his club, but he did the next best thing: he funneled an aggregate of $200 million in CIA funds to the Gehlen Organization as it became known. Directing operations from a fortress-like nerve center in Bavaria, Gehlen reactivated his network inside Russia. Soon, news of the first Russian jet fighter, the MiG-15, was channeled back to the West. In 1949 the general scored an espionage coup when he turned up Soviet plans for the remilitarization of East Germany. When Dulles spoke, Gehlen listened. The CIA chief was convinced, along with his brother, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, that the “captive nations” of the Soviet bloc would rise up if given sufficient encouragement. At his behest, Gehlen recruited and trained an exile mercenary force ready to rush in without involving American units. Also at Dulles’ direction, Gehlen tapped the ranks of his wartime Russian collaborators for a cadre of spies to be parachuted into the Soviet Union. Some of these spies were schooled at the CIA’s clandestine base at Atsugi, Japan, where, in 1957, a young Marine named Lee Harvey Oswald was posted to the U-2 spy plane operation there. Atsugi was only one station on Oswald’s Far East intelligence route; he was also at the U-2 base at Subic Bay in the Philippines and, for a short while, at Ping-Tung. Taiwan In 1959 he was transferred to a Marine base at Santa Ana, California for instructions in radar surveillance. His training officer had graduated from the Georgetown School of Foreign Service, which had close Agency ties. In May, 1960, when President Eisenhower was planning a summit meeting with Soviet Premier Khrushchev, a U-2 was shot down over Russia and its pilot captured. The pilot, Francis Gary Powers, later blamed his demise on Lee Harvey Oswald. The U-2 affair effectively sabotaged Ike’s summit meeting. In 1955, by pre-arrangement, the Gehlen Organization was transferred to the West German Government, becoming its first intelligence arm, the BND. The BND became a Siamese twin of the CIA a global operation. They had already worked well together, in Iran in 1953, where the country’s first democratic government was in power. Two years earlier Premier Mossadegh had rashly nationalized the oil industry. Dulles, with Gehlen’s help, engineered a coup that toppled Mossadegh and reestablished the Pahlevi family regime. The family patriarch, General Reza Pahlevi, had been banished from the country for his pro-nazi activities during the war. Now his son, Mohammed Reza Pahlevi, ascended the Peacock Throne. The Shah of Iran became one of the CIA’s most faithful assets. Gehlen pioneered the setting up of dummy fronts and cover companies to support his farflung covert operations. A major project was to form Eastern European emigre groups in the U.S. that could be used against the Soviets. Both the Tolstoy Foundation and the Union of Bishops of the Orthodox Church Outside Russia were funded by the CIA. When Lee and Marina Oswald arrived from the Soviet Union in June, 1962 they were befriended by some three dozen White Russians in the Dallas-Ft. Worth area. Many had identifiable nazi links; others were in the oil and defense industries. It was an improbable social set for a defector to the U.S.S.R. and his wife from Minsk. By the time the Gehlen Organization became part of the West German state, Gehlen already had his agent-in-place in the United States. He was Otto Albrecht von Bolschwing, who had been a captain in Heinrich Himmler’s dreaded SS and Adolph Eichmann’s superior in Europe and Palestine. Von Bolschwing worked simultaneously for Dulles’ OSS. When he entered the U.S. in February, 1954, he cleverly concealed his nazi past. He was to take over Gehlen’s network not only in this country but in many corners of the globe. He became closely associated with the late Elmer Bobst of Warner-Lambert Pharmaceutical, a godfather of Richard Nixon’s political career, which brought him inside Nixon’s 1960 campaign for the presidency. In 1969 he showed up in California with a high-tech firm called TCI that held classified Defense Department contracts. His translator for German projects was Helene van Damme, Governor Ronald Reagan’s appointments secretary. Von Damme is currently U.S. Ambassador to Austria, next door to the nazi’s homeland.
In 1968 Reinhard Gehlen withdrew to his chalet in Bavaria. The chalet had been a gift from Allen Dulles.
Wild Bill Donovan of the OSS, Allen Dulles and the Vatican
Allen Dulles dubbed it Operation Sunrise. He mounted it from his walk-up office in Bern, Switzerland, where, since 1942, he had maintained contact with key nazis. Operation Sunrise was conceived when these nazis decided, in the face of defeat, that they preferred to surrender to the Americans and British. The agreement, which double-crossed the Russians, was signed April 29, 1945.
The principle negotiator on the German side was SS Commander Karl Wolff, head of the Gestapo in Italy. Wolff acted with full authority, for he was formerly chief of Heinrich Himmler’s personal staff. Wolff’s relationship with Dulles spared him from the dock at Nuremberg, but when it was later discovered that he had dispatched “at least” 300,000 Jews to the Treblinka death camp he was handed a token sentence. In 1983 Wolff made the social pages when he and some of his old SS buddies sojourned on the late Hermann Goering’s yacht Carin II of Hamburg. The skipper was Gert Heidemann, an avowed Hamburg nazi. The yacht belonged to the widow, Emmy Goering, whose estate attorney was the celebrated Melvin Belli. Belli has always had an eclectic clientele. He represented Jack Ruby after he shot Oswald. And he represented actor Errol Flynn’s family interests. Flynn (once a close friend of Ronald Reagan) has been identified as having collaborated with the Gestapo.
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John J. McCloy had a lengthy career riddled with Nazi sympathies
When Wolff hammered out the secret surrender terms with Dulles, he had in the back of his mind a safe diaspora for his nazi compatriots. This is where the OSS, William Donovan and the sovereign state of the Vatican came in. “Wild Bill” Donovan was top dog in the OSS. Shortly before the Germans overran Europe, Father Felix Morlion, a papal functionary, had set up a Vatican intelligence organization called Pro Deo in Lisbon. When the U.S. entered the war Donovan moved Morlion lock, stock and barrel to New York and opened a sizeable bank account for him to draw on. The priest founded the American Council for International Promotion of Democracy Under God, on 60th Street. In the same building is the office of William Taub, whose name popped up during the Watergate affair. Taub is well-known as a wide-ranging middleman for such powerful figures as Nixon, Howard Hughes, Aristotle Onassis and Jimmy Hoffa, and his behind-the-scenes maneuvers were invaluable to Nixon in his 1960 run at the presidency. Taub was especially close to Cardinal Alfredo Ottaviania of the Holy See, who arranged Mussolini’s 1929 “donation” of $89 million to the Vatican to ensure its neutrality with Mussolini and Hitler. The money went into a special fund in the Vatican Bank, and after the war part of it was entrusted to “God’s Banker” Michele Sindona for investment. Sindona channeled a good chunk of it to the Nixon campaign. When Rome was liberated in 1944 Morlion and Pro Deo relocated there. In recognition of Donovan’s good works on behalf of Pro Deo, Pope Plus XII knighted him with the Grand Cross of the Order of St. Sylvester. And before he flew off to Washington to cut his deal with the CIA, Reinhard Gehlen received the Sovereign Military Order of Malta award from the Pontiff. So did James Jesus Angleton, a Donovan operative in Rome who became the CIA’s chief of counterintelligence.
For Dulles, Operation Sunset was a personal triumph, one that set in motion his rise to the top of the intelligence heap. In 1963, by virtue of that position, he became the CIA’s representative on the Warren Commission.
John J. McCloy and the Chase Manhattan
President Lyndon Johnson asked John J. McCloy to serve on the Warren Commission. No less than nine presidents had called on the Wall Street lawyer for special assignments, yet he was little known to the public. McCloy said he entered the investigation “thinking there was a conspiracy,” but left it convinced that Oswald acted alone. “I never saw a case that was more completely proven,” he asserted.
McCloy had long been involved in the murky world of espionage, intrigue and nazis. He spent the decade of the 1930s working out of Paris. Much of his time was spent on a law case stemming from German sabotage in World War I. His investigation took him to Berlin, where he shared a box with Hitler at the 1936 Olympics. He was in contact with Rudolph Hess before the Nazi leader made a mysterious flight to England in 1941.
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Major General Charles A. Willoughby, “Our own Junker general.”
When the nazis occupied Europe, the banking exchanges between Britain and the U.S. on the one hand and Germany on the other carried on as usual. In Trading With the Enemy, Charles Higham documents the role of Standard Oil of New Jersey, owned by the Chase Manhattan Bank, and I.G. Farben’s Sterling Products with the Bank for International Settlements. Standard Oil tankers plied the sea lanes with fuel for the nazi war machine. Prior to the war McCloy was legal counsel to Farben, the German chemical monopoly.
As an assistant secretary in the War Department during the war:
When the curtain fell on the war, McCloy helped shield Klaus Barbie, the “butcher of Lyons,” from the French. Barbie and other vicious dogs from Hitler’s kennel were hidden out with the 370th Counter Intelligence Corps at Obergamergau. One of their keepers was Private Henry Kissinger, soon to enter Harvard as a McCloy protege. In 1949 McCloy returned to Germany as American High Commissioner. He commuted the death sentences of a number of nazi war criminals, and gave early releases to others. One was Alfred Krupp, convicted of using slave labor in his armaments factories. Another was Hitler’s financial genius, Dr. Hjalmar Schacht, who subsequently went on the payroll of Aristotle Onassis. In 1952 McCloy left a Germany that was prepared to re-arm to return to his law practice. He became president of the Chase Manhattan Bank, director of a dozen blue chip corporations, and legal counsel to the “Seven Sisters” of American oil. During this period he acquired a client, the Nobel oil firm, whose interests in Czarist Russia had been managed by the father of George de Mohrenschildt, Lee and Marina Oswald’s “best friend” in Dallas.
Busy as he was McCloy found time to supervise construction of the new Pentagon building. It was nicknamed “McCloy’s Folly.”
J. Edgar Hoover and Interpol
FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover “mistrusted and disliked all three Kennedy brothers. President Johnson and Hoover had mutual fear and hatred for the Kennedys,” wrote the late William Sullivan, for many years an assistant FBI director. Hoover hated Robert Kennedy, who as Attorney General was his boss, and feared John. In turn the President distrusted Allen Dulles, easing him out as CIA director after the 1961 Bay of Pigs debacle. When JFK moved to lower the oil depletion allowance, he incurred the displeasure of John McCloy, whose clients’ profits would be trimmed. Hoover, Dulles and McCloy did not belong to the Kennedy fan club. When the president was shot, Hoover controlled the field investigation, and Dulles and McCloy helped mold the final verdict of the Warren Commission. As America stood on the threshold of World War II Hoover continued a friendly relationship with the nazis who dominated Interpol, the Berlin-based international secret police. He had been obsessed with the “Red menace” since 1919 when he became head of the Bureau’s General Intelligence Division. Heinrich Himmler, Reinhard Heydrich, Arthur Nebe and other fanatical nazis were active in Interpol. Even after Hitler occupied Czechoslovakia, Hoover ignored all evidence of nazi death squads and atrocities and cooperated with the boys in Berlin. As France fell, Hoover exchanged lists of wanted criminals, enclosing autographed photographs of himself. It was not until three days before Pearl Harbor that he called a halt — and then only because he feared his image might be tarnished.
When the war had been imminent Roosevelt charged Hoover with ferreting out nazi spies in the Western Hemisphere. Two escaped his notice. As early as 1933 Gestapo agent Dr. Hermann Friedrick Erben recruited Errol Flynn as an intelligence source. Erben went on to become a naturalized American citizen, but never abandoned his loyalty to Hitler. Flynn went on to make “Santa Fe Trail” in 1940, co-starring with Ronald Reagan, and the two paired up for “Desperate Journey” in 1942.
George de Mohrenschildt, the Oswalds’ genial host in Dallas, was tagged by Hoover’s FBI as a nazi spy during World War II. G-men noted that his cousin, Baron Maydell, had nazi ties, and that his uncle distributed pro-nazi films. Their suspicions were confirmed when they trailed de Mohrenschildt from New York to Corpus Christi. On October 8, 1942 a “lookout” was placed in his file in case he applied for another passport.
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J. Edgar Hoover: he kept alive the Nazi intelligence network INTERPOL
The parts left out of J. Edgar Hoover’s investigation before and after Kennedy was killed were the nazi associations de Mohrenschildt had while working for U.S. intelligence. George’s cousin, the movie producer Baron Constantine Maydell, was one of the top German Abwehr agents in North America. Reinhard von Gehlen recruited Maydell in the post-war era to be in charge of the CIA’s Russian emigre programs. Gehlen recruited veterans of Maydell’s Abwehr Group to work with East European emigre organizations inside the U.S. Part of Lee and Marina’s red carpet treatment in the U.S. started with their arrival from the USSR. Spas T. Raigkin was the ex-Secretary General of a group such as Maydell’s. The AFABN, the American Friends of the Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations, with CIA funding, assisted Lee and Marina to get settled. J. Edgar Hoover was trained only to see if there were Communists around …the red menace. The Abwehr, Reinhard Gehlen and Maydell were overlooked by the FBI.
After the war Interpol ostensibly cleaned up its act, moved to Paris and installed the prestigious Hoover as vice president. Yet Interpol steadfastly refused to hunt for nazi war criminals, contending it was independent of politics. The excuse appeared a bit lame when, in the 1970s, former SS officer Paul Dickopf became president.
“Sir” Charles Willoughby — a Franco-German-American
He was a bull of a man who spoke with a German accent, wore a custom-tailored general’s uniform and affected a monocle. A fellow officer in the U.S. army under his true name of Adolph Charles Weidenbach, born in Heidelberg, March 8, 1892. But by the time he became Douglas MacArthur’s chief of intelligence for the war in the Pacific, he was Major General Charles A. Willoughby. Behind his back he was derisively tagged “Sir Charles.” For a man of such Teutonic traits it was odd that Willoughby preferred his fascism with a Spanish accent. But this was an accident of geography. While serving as a military attache in Ecuador, he had received a decoration from Mussolini’s government — the Order of Saints Maurizio and Lazzaro. After delivering an impassioned paean to Spanish dictator Generalissimo Francisco Franco at a lunch in Madrid, he was toasted by the secretary general of the Falangist Party, “I am happy to know a fellow Falangist and reactionary. MacArthur’s pre-war headquarters were in the Philippines, whose commerce was dominated by resident Spaniards. The Daddy Warbucks of this crowd was Andres Soriano, who owned an early-day conglomerate of airlines, mines, breweries (“Of course!”) and American distributorships. During the Spanish Civil War Soriano was one of Franco’s principal money-bags. When the Rising Sun flag was raised over the Philippines Soriano fled to Washington to become finance minister of the government-in-exile. But there was such a fuss over his fascist reputation that he flew off to Australia to become a colonel on MacArthur’s staff. Willoughby accompanied the Supreme Commander to Tokyo for the occupation of Japan. His preferences remained the same; when military police shook down his hotel looking for a fugitive, they found Willoughby at dinner with the stranded Italian fascist ambassador to Japan and members of his staff. He became a heavy-handed censor, suppressing unfavorable news to the States. He delighted in falsely labeling correspondents who defied him as “Communists,” a tactic Senator McCarthy would adopt with enthusiasm. But the general’s priority project was a dressed-up history of the Pacific War in which MacArthur would be the towering hero. Willoughby brought in Japanese military brass for a view from the enemy side, a move that may have had an ulterior motive. The possibility existed that Willoughby was down-playing Japanese war crimes so that the perpetrators could be protected for use against the Soviets later. This was happening in Germany where the top nazis were writing the history of Malmedy. The tight security in which Willoughby wrapped the project only adds to this impression. One woman had a passkey, the wife of Dr. Mitsutaro Araki, a former exchange lecturer in Germany, who was closely tied in with high nazis in Tokyo and the Tojo clique. Willoughby harbored another secret that only came to light last year. During the war, the Japanese conducted germ warfare experiments with human beings as guinea pigs (at least 3,000 died, including an undetermined number of captured U.S. military). The Pentagon decided that the biological research might prove handy against the Russians, and the Japanese responsible for the experiments were granted immunity from prosecution in return for their laboratory records. On December 12, 1947 the Pentagon acknowledged the “wholehearted cooperation” of Willoughby in arranging the examination of the “human pathological material which had been transferred to Japan from the biological warfare installations.”
As his final public gesture to Franco, Willoughby lobbied the U.S. Congress in August, 1952 to authorize $100 million for the anti-Communist dictator’s needs. Then he settled down in the U.S. to do battle with the domestic enemy. As Sir Charles and his right-wing allies saw it, Marxism wasn’t the real enemy, the Liberals were.
1952: The Travels of Klaus Barbie, Evita Peron, Otto Skorzeny, and Nicolae Malaxa
By 1952 Klaus Barbie had arrived in Bolivia via a stop in Argentina. He had been spirited out of Germany by the CIA, with a hand from the Vatican. Soon he teamed up with SS Major Otto Skorzeny, who now was affiliated with the CIA. Dr. Fritz Thyssen and Dr. Gustav Krupp, both beneficiaries of McCloy’s amnesty, bankrolled Skorzeny from the start. Barbie and Skorzeny were soon forming death squads such as the Angels of Death in Bolivia, the Anti-Communist Alliance in Argentina, and in Spain, with Stephen Della Chiaie, the Guerrillas of Christ the King.
In 1952 the nazi, Martin Bormann’s money was released. In Argentina, Evita Peron died of cancer at age 33. In her name was deposited, in 40 Swiss banks, the nazi money. There was $100 million cash, another $40 million in diamonds. Several hundred million more were set aside with Evita’s brother, Juan Duarte, as the courier. This led to three murders the following year:
In 1952 Otto Skorzeny, who had been released from American custody in 1947, moved to Madrid. He created what is known as the International Fascista. The CIA and the Gehlen BND dispatched him to “trouble spots.” On his payroll were former SS agents, French OAS terrorists and secret police from Portugal’s PDID. PDID are the same initials as the Los Angeles police intelligence unit, Public Disorder Intelligence Division. The California PDID was exposed on May 24, 1983 as spying on law abiding citizens at an expense of $100,000, utilizing a computerized dossier system bought by the late Representative Larry McDonald’s “Western Goals.” (McDonald was a national leader of the John Birch Society, which was exceedingly active in Dallas preceding the Kennedy assassination. Western Goals has offices in Germany run by Eugene Wigner that feed data to the Gehlen BND.) On the board of Western Goals are such Cold Warriors as Edward Teller, Admiral Thomas Moorer and Dr. Hans Senholt, once a Luftwaffe pilot. SS Colonel Skorzeny’s CIA agents participated in terror campaigns waged by Operation 40 in Guatemala, Brazil and Argentina. Skorzeny was also in charge of the Paladin mercenaries, whose cover, M.C. Inc., was a Madrid export-import firm. Dr. Gerhard Hartmut von Schubert, [formerly] of Joseph Goebbels’ propaganda ministry, was M.C. operating manager. The nerve center for Skorzeny’s operations was in Albufera, Spain. It was lodged in the same building as the Spanish intelligence agency SCOE under Colonel Eduardo Blanco and was also an office of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency. The Albufera building was the kind of intelligence nest that was duplicated in New Orleans in 1963. That summer Lee Harvey Oswald handed out pro-Castro literature stamped with the address 544 Camp Street, a commercial building. This was a blunder, because Oswald actually was under the control of an anti-Castro operation headquartered there. His controller, W. Guy Banister, was connected with military intelligence, the CIA and a section of the World Anti-Communist League that had been set up by Willoughby and his Far Pacific intelligence unit in Taiwan.
In The Great Heroin Coup, Henrik Kruger disclosed that the International Fascist was “not only the first step toward fulfilling the dream of Skorzeny, but also of his close friends in Madrid, exile Jose Lopez Rega, Juan Peron’s grey eminence, and prince Justo Valerio Borghese, the Italian fascist money man who had been rescued from execution at the hands of the World War II Italian resistance by future CIA counterintelligence whiz James J. Angleton.”
A subcommittee on international operations of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee prepared a report “Latin America: Murder, Inc.” that is still classified. The title repeated Lyndon Johnson’s remark, three months before he died, “We were running a Murder, Inc. in the Caribbean.” The report concluded: “The United States had joint operations between Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay. The joint operations were known as Operation Condor. These are special teams used to carry out ‘sanctions,’ the killing of enemies.”
Jack Anderson gave a few details in his column “Operation Condor, An Unholy Alliance” August 3, 1979:
“Assassination teams are centered in Chile. This international consortium is located in Colonia Dignidad, Chile. Founded by nazis from Hitler’s SS, headed by Franz Pfeiffer Richter, Adolf Hitler’s 1000-year Reich may not have perished. Children are cut up in front of their parents, suspects are asphyxiated in piles of excrement or rotated to death over barbecue pits.”
Otto Skorzeny code-named his assault on American soldiers in the Battle of the Bulge Operation Greif, the “Condor.” He continued Condor with his post-war special teams that imposed “sanctions,” meaning the assassination of enemies. Skorzeny’s father-in-law was Hjalmar Schacht, president of Hitler’s Reichsbank. Schacht guided Onassis’ shipyards in rebuilding the German and Japanese war fleets. In 1950 Onassis signed on Lars Anderson for his whaling ships on the hunt off Antarctica and Argentina. Anderson had belonged to Vidkum Quisling’s nazi collaborationist group in Norway during the war. Clay Shaw, who was charged by New Orleans D.A. Jim Garrison with complicity in the JFK assassination, was a close friend of Hjalmar Schacht.
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Colonia Dignidad. Nobody comes, nobody goes
In 1952 Nicolae Malaxa moved from Whittier California to Argentina. Malaxa had belonged to Otto von Bolschwing’s Gestapo network, as did his associate, Viorel Trifia, who was living in Detroit. They were members of the Nazi Iron Guard in Romania, and had felt prosecution. They had one thing in common; they were friends of Richard Nixon. Trifia had been brought to the U.S. by von Bolschwing. Malaxa had escaped from Europe with over $200 million in U.S. dollars. Upon arrival in New York he picked up another $200 million from Chase Manhattan Bank. The legal path for his entry was smoothed by the Sullivan & Cromwell law offices, the Dulles brothers firm. Undersecretary of State Adolph Berle, who had helped Nixon and star witness Whittaker Chambers convict Alger Hiss, personally testified on Malaxa’s behalf before a congressional subcommittee on immigration. In 1951 Senator Nixon introduced a private bill to allow Malaxa permanent residence. Arrangements for his relocation in Whittier were made by Nixon’s law office. The dummy front cover for Malaxa in Whittier was Western Tube. In 1946 Nixon had gotten a call from Herman L. Perry asking if he wanted to run for Congress against Rep. Jerry Voorhis. Perry later became president of Western Tube.
When Malaxa went to Argentina in 1952, he linked up with Juan Peron and Otto Skorzeny. Questions were raised at the time about J. Edgar Hoover, the Iron Guard, Malaxa and Vice President Nixon.
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Richard M. Nixon: strange friends in strange places and occupations
1960 Elections: Richard Nixon vs. John F. Kennedy
Before the election of 1960, a group within the Christian Right plotted to kill John Kennedy in Van Nuys, California while he was still a candidate. The group was a meld of anti-Castro Cubans, Minutemen and home-grown nazis. Some were sought by Jim Garrison, following his arrest of Clay Shaw, for testimony before the New Orleans grand jury. When Garrison forwarded extradition papers for Edgar Eugene Bradley, a member of the group, Governor Ronald Reagan refused to sign them. The leader of one of these groups, the Christian Defense League (CDL), was the Reverend William P. Gale. During the war Gale had been an Army colonel in the Philippines training guerilla bands. His superior officer was Willoughby. By the late 1950s Gale was recruiting veterans for his “Identity” group, which was financed by a wealthy Los Angeles man.
One of the CDL’s contacts was Captain Robert K. Brown, a special forces professional from Fort Benning, Georgia. Brown was working with anti-Castro Cubans, mercenaries similar to Skorzeny’s teams. Brown is now publisher of Soldier of Fortune magazine and paramilitary texts such as Silencers, Snipers, and Assassins. The book explains how Mitchell WerBell made special weapons for the CIA, Bay of Pigs assault squads and other customers. WerBell, son of a wealthy Czarist cavalry officer, perfected a silencer so effective a gun can be shot in one room and not heard in the next. It is ideal for assassinations.
There had been prolonged controversy about how many shots were fired the day Kennedy was killed. The President’s wounds, nicks on the limousine and curb, and other bullet evidence indicated quite a few. But the Warren Commission concluded there were only three. It took the testimony of spectators in Dealy Plaza who said they only heard three. It never considered the possibility that silencer-fitted guns were fired.
When Clay Shaw was arrested by Jim Garrison the news was of particular interest to the Italian newspaper Paesa Sera. It followed up with a story that Shaw belonged to a cover organization in Rome named Centro Mondiale Commerciale (CMC). Its location was frequently moved, its presidents rotated; its modus operandi altered. CMC included Italian fascists, elements of the European paramilitary right, the CIA, and the U.S. Defense Department. There were major shareholders with banks located in Switzerland, Miami, Basel and other major cities.
CMC had been formed in 1961, one year after Kennedy was elected. Its principals had worked with fascist networks established after World War II. The board of directors numbered Ferenc Nagy, a former Hungarian premier who led that country’s Anti-Communist Countrymen’s Party in exile. J. Edgar Hoover brought Nagy to the United States, where there were numerous Gehlen-supported emigre organizations. On August 18, 1951, the Saturday Evening Post pictured Nagy with Czech, Pole, Hungarian and Russian exiles under the heading: “They Want Us To Go to War Right Now.” On November 22, 1963 Nagy was living in Dallas. CMC was actually a subsidiary of Swiss-based Permindex, whose president was Prince Gutierez de Spadafora, Italian industrialist and large landowner. Spadafora’s daughter-in-law was related to Hjalmar Schacht. Clay Shaw, who managed the New Orleans Intemational Trade Mart, was a director. Another was Giorgio Mantello, aka George Mandel, who would later move to New Orleans. Once convicted of “criminal activities” in Switzerland, Mantello worked closely with his fellow Hungarian Nagy. One of the goals of the CMC was that “Rome will recover once again her position as center of the civilized world.” Major L. M. Bloomfield, a veteran of the OSS who resided in Montreal, was a suspect Garrison wanted to question. In Canada he reportedly controlled Credit Suisse, Heineken’s Breweries, Israel Continental Company, Grimaldo Siosa Lines and other international firms. Shaw’s name was found among eleven directors of a company in Montreal that actually was based in Rome. Who was giving the virtually unlimited money to CMC, and who was getting it? The answer might have been found in the huge amounts that flowed out of Evita Peron’s accounts.
Paesa Sera reported on March 4, 1967 that CMC was a creature of the CIA serving as a money conduit, and that Shaw and Bloomfield conducted illegal political espionage under its cover. In New Orleans, Shaw was the respected citizen who had helped restore the French Quarter. In Rome he was a vital member of the boards of twin companies dealing with fascists accused of European assassinations. Shaw’s address book contained the private number of Principessa Marcelle Borghese, now Duchessa de Bomartao, who is related to Prince Valerio Borghese. Called the “Black Prince” and “The New Duce,” Borghese was leader of the Movimento Sociale Italiano, a neo-fascist syndicate. The Black Prince, who was a decorated submarine captain in the First World War, was convicted of cooperating with the nazis in WW II and given 12 years in prison.
The Black Prince is the same Borghese rescued by the CIA’s James J. Angleton. No wonder Angleton was awarded the Sovereign Military Order of Malta by the Pope after the war. It might explain what Angleton was hinting at when questioned about the murder of JFK: “A mansion has many rooms; there were many things during the period; I’m not privy to who struck John.” Clay Shaw’s affiliation with Permindex would plug in later to Argentina, Spain, Rome, New Orleans and Dallas. The international range of hit teams, using CIA money diverted overseas to cover companies set up by the Gehlen Organization, started coming together after Shaw’s arrest. In November, 1960 it would be Nixon versus Kennedy. Frank Sinatra introduced Judith Exner to John Kennedy on the eve of the New Hampshire primary. A few weeks later Sinatra introduced Judith Exner to Chicago Mafia boss Sam Giancana. So Exner became involved, as William Safire put it, in a “dual affair with the nation’s most powerful mobster and the nation’s most powerful political leader.” Giancana was busy with more than his love life; he was hired to form assassination teams to go after Fidel Castro. The man who retained him was Robert Maheu, a former FBI and CIA operative. It was a classic cutoff. Maheu never mentioned that the CIA was behind it. He intimated to Giancana that wealthy Cuban exiles were providing the funds. This sounded plausible, since Maheu was Howard Hughes’ right-hand man. Giancana put his Los Angeles lieutenant, Johnny Roselli, in charge of the hit squads. In 1978 when the House Select Committee questioned him, Roselli hinted that his assignment was aimed at Kennedy as well as Castro. Shortly afterward, his body was found floating in an oil drum off the Florida coast. Giancana never got a chance to testify. He was shot to death in his Chicago home. The Howard Hughes organization, used as a cover for the kill-Castro conspiracy, (Hughes thought it was a patriotic idea) has long retained Carl Byoir Associates as its public relations arm. Throughout the war Byoir represented nazi bankers and industrialists and the I.G. Farben interests. One of his clients was Ernest Schmitz, member of the I.G. Farben-Ilgner and the German American Board of Trade. His Information Services was subsidized by the nazi government. George Sylvester Viereck, editor of the German Library of Information, was also in business with Byoir. A lucrative Byoir client was the Frederick Flick Group. Flick, a Nuremberg defendant released by McCloy, was the single greatest power behind the nazi military muscle. Frederick Flick’s son was close to the W.R. Grace Company, and invested over $400,000 in partnership with J. Peter Grace in the United States. During the war, WR. Grace was accused in a military report of protecting a certain nazi Colonel Brite in Bolivia. In 1951, when the CIA smuggled Barbie out of Germany, he was sent to join the same Colonel Brite. George de Mohrenschildt was a close associate of the company’s founder, William Grace. De Mohrenschildt was a man of many faces. He befriended Lee and Marina Oswald, introducing them to the White Russian community. He made phone calls to obtain Lee jobs and housing. As he told it to the Warren Commission, he was fascinated with this strange couple just out of Russia. But at the Petroleum Club in Dallas, De Mohrenschildt sang the praises of Heinrich Himmler. His travels took him all over the world on missions identified with intelligence. In 1956 he was employed by Pantepec Oil Company owned by the family of William Buckley.
De Mohrenschildt often discussed Oswald with J. Walton Moore, the CIA’s Domestic Contacts Division resident in Dallas. In the spring of 1963, just after visiting the Oswalds, he went to Washington. There is a record of a phone call de Mohrenschildt made on May 7, 1963, to the Army Chief of Staff for intelligence. The same month he had a meeting in person with a member of that staff. His military connections seem to have been wide. One of the first persons de Mohrenschildt took the Oswalds to see in Dallas was retired Admiral Chester Burton.
Photo by Wide World
Lee Harvey Oswald’s benefactor was Texas oil millionaire George de Mohrenschildt
Although De Mohrenschildt and his wife Jeanne testified at length before the Warren Commission, only attorney Albert Jenner and Pentagon historian Alfred Goldberg attended. One of Jenner’s clients was General Dynamics, maker of the F-lll fighter that would achieve fame in Vietnam. The chief of security for General Dynamics in Dallas, Max Clark, was another De Mohrenschildt associate donating money to help Marina while George got Lee his next job in Dallas. He found one at the graphics house of Jagger-Chiles-Stovall, which held classified military contracts. Jeanne de Mohrenschildt was originally brought to the U.S. by a family member employed by the Howard Hughes organization. In 1977 George was found fatally shot, allegedly a suicide, on the day a House Select Committee investigator came by looking for him. Jeanne consented to a press interview. She said George had been a nazi spy. The placement de Mohrenschildt got for Oswald allowed him to visit the Sol Bloom agency at least 40 times. It was this agency that later decided the motorcade route for Kennedy’s fatal visit.
Ruth Paine, whom Oswald met via George, had called Roy Truly and procured work for Oswald at the Texas School Book Depository.
If Maydell and the Gehlen agents were active in the U.S. they knew all the right moves to secure their patsy.
1960: Young Americans for Freedom
President Harry Truman warned about the CIA “Gestapo” he had created. President Eisenhower left the White House fearing the new “military-industrial complex” he handed to us. In 1960 candidate Richard Nixon was qualified for the job of President. A lot of influential people were sure he was the only choice. Nixon was familiar with every red scare tactic. From his first campaign against Jerry Voorhis in 1946 for the House seat, or vs. Helen Douglas in the Senate, and working with Sen. Joe McCarthy, he knew it well. The prosecution of Alger Hiss, with such flimsy evidence, proved his value alone. But Nixon had also accumulated strong connections with members of the crime syndicate, the Vatican hierarchy, defense industries and known nazis. He knew them all. What if he lost after those seventeen years of preparation? Would there be a back-up team for the future? Could the Pentagon or Reinhard Gehlen visualize leaving the entire United States presidency to chance elections? Remember what happened to Senator Robert Kennedy on the eve of his primary election in June, 1968? They can’t get that close to losing it again, you know. With both Kennedy’s gone, Nixon finally made it. September, 1960, two months before the elections, William F. Buckley Jr. launched his YAF, Young Americans for Freedom, from the grounds on his Connecticut estate. Prior to that date, Buckley’s career was one of the most conservative in the U.S. Following his graduation at Yale, mentor Frank Chodorov grabbed him for purposes related to his job with McCormick’s Chicago Tribune. Buckley served the CIA in Japan from 1950 to 1954. He also did a stint with CIA in Mexico with E. Howard Hunt. Co-founder of YAF was Douglas Caddy, whose offices were used by the CIA and Howard Hughes organization, at the time of Watergate illegal entries and other dirty tricks.
After the CIA in Japan, Buckley was ready to publish his own magazine, The National Review. This was an unusual opportunity to bring together the world’s most conservative writers for publication and much propaganda accompanied by Buckley’s glib innuendos.
Once the publication was going, Buckley decided to bring Young Americans for Freedom to the campus; old ideas, old money, and young minds to mold. Behind the project were always the well-funded military masters, such as the YAF’s Tom Charles Huston and the Cointel-Program Nixon cooked up. The selected advisory board for YAF was a Who’s Who of oldies even then: Senator Strom Thurmond, Senator John Tower, Mr. Ronald Reagan, Professor Lev Dobriansky, General Charles Willoughby, and Mr. Robert Morris are a sample. Robert Morris may not be a household name. But William Buckley knew him well, and Morris, Nixon, and Senator Joe McCarthy were team players. Senator Joe McCarthy’s two strongest supporters for him to represent Wisconsin were Frank Seusenbrenner and Walter Harnisfeger. Both admired Adolf Hitler and made continuous trips to Germany. Senator McCarthy obliged fast enough. Before he went after the Commies in the State Department, he had to release a few of Hitler’s elite nazis lingering in the Dachau prison camp. McCarthy beat John McCloy by about three years. In 1949, during congressional hearings on the Malmedy Massacre, the bloody Battle of the Bulge, McCarthy invited himself to take over the entire testimony. He wasn’t satisfied until the prison doors flew open. The most detestable and ugly battle of World War II, an assault upon Americans and civilians in Belgium, was ignored. Hitler’s precious Generals Fritz Kraemer and Sepp Dietrick, along with Hermann Priess and many others, were free. With that business finished, McCarthy took on Robert Morris as Chief Counsel for the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee. Morris’ earlier training in Navy Intelligence in charge of USSR counter-intelligence and psychological warfare could be utilized well by Senator Joe. Particularly the psychological warfare part. After McCarthy died, Morris moved to Dallas, Texas. He was a judge, and became president of Dallas University. In 1961, a year after Buckley founded YAF, another conservative organization was formed in Munich, Germany, calling itself CUSA, Conservatism USA. These were not students, but members of the U.S. army, soon to be mustered out, then to appear in Dallas, Texas, by November 1963. The host would be Robert Morris.
A correspondence between Larry Schmidt in Dallas, to Bernie Weissman in Munich, Germany, in preparation for their arrival, was published in the Warren Commission Hearings, Vol. XVIII.
Segments of the letters are as follows:
November 2, 1962: Dallas to Munich, Larry Schmidt:
“Gentlemen we got everything we wanted.”
“It saved the trouble of infiltration.”
“Met with Frank McGee … (president of the Dallas Council of World Affairs.)”
“Suggest Bernie convert to Christianity and I mean it.”
(Bernard Weissman, the only Jew, was brought all the way to Dallas on November 22, 1963, to lend his name to the “Wanted for Treason” fliers handed out to welcome JFK. He testified that the John Birch Society paid for the ads and “wanted a Jewish name at the bottom.”)
“We must all return to the church.”
“These people are religious bugs.”
“I think in terms of 300,000 members, $3,000,000.”
“The John Birch Society has a million members. Look for us to merge with them in 1964.”
“Arrangements are being made for me to meet the heads of the Dallas John Birch, General Walker, and H.L. Hunt, Texas oil millionaire.”
(General Walker had been retired from the military by John Kennedy for his compulsory Pro-Blud indoctrination.)
“I have already met the top editors of the Dallas Morning News, the country’s most conservative newspaper.”
“These people are radicals but there is a method in their madness. You see, they’re all after exactly what we’re after.”
“No liberal talk whatsoever, none.”
“Down here a Negro is a nigger.”
“I mean, no one is ever to say one kind word about niggers.”
“Liberals are our enemies.”
“The conservative isn’t against the Niggers, he just wants to keep him in his place for his own good.”
(Pres. John Kennedy and Atty. Gen. Robert Kennedy had waged a bitter battle from Sept. 30 to Oct. 3, 1962, at the University of Mississippi. The integration of one black student brought in the U.S. Army and caused Gen. Edwin Walker to be confined.)
January 4, 1963, Larry Schmidt to B. Weissman, Munich:
“I want big men … believe me if I had a dozen such men I can conquer the world.”
“I will go down in the history books as a great and noble man, or a tyrant.”
“I expect to see you here in Dallas, especially Norman and Larry.”
“If Jim Mosely is not here by Feb. 15, he is finished.”
“One thing had best be understood, I am not playing games here in Dallas and expect you not to play games in Munich.”
“I am not here in Dallas for my health or because I think Dallas is a wonderful place.”
“Continue to have regular meetings and try to get things back in order in preparation for the big meetings.”
February 2, 1963, Larry Schmidt:
“We have succeeded, the mission with which I was charged in Dallas has been achieved.”
“Friday night I attended a gathering of the top conservatives in Dallas.”
“The meeting was at the home of Dr. Robert Morris, President of the Defenders of American Liberty.”
“Present were Mr. George Ward, Detective for Dallas City Police, Mr. Ken Thompson, editorial writer for the Dallas Morning News, Mr. Clyde Moore, former PR man for H.L. Hunt, former UPI writer. (Eight others).”
“I told them exactly what I wanted.”
“Others suggested using an already existing movement, named the Young Americans for Freedom, with already 50,000 members.”
“CUSA, as set up in Munich, is now an established fact in Dallas, only we are calling it YAF. I think you catch on.”
“We are starting Munich chapters of YAF. To spread to Stuttgart, Frankfurt, Heidelberg, Berlin, Kaiserslautern.”
“We are getting every top name in business, education, politics, and religion to endorse YAF.”
“The advisory board includes 37 congressmen . . . including Sen. Strom Thurmond, Sen. John Tower, and Sen. Barry Goldwater. There is Ronald Reagan, Gen. Mark Clark, Gen. Charles Willoughby, John Wayne, etc.”
“Change all your records to read YAF.”
“All those months in Munich were not wasted. I accomplished my task in Dallas. I need you here soon. I sold these people on each of you and they are expecting you to come to Dallas and play an important role.”
“The days of leisure are over.”
“We want to see you, Norman, Jim and Bill Burley back here in Dallas.”
“Sheila and my brother will be here in August; Ken Glazebrook in Sept.”
June 13, 1963, Larry Schmidt to B. Weissman in Munich, Germany:
“Warren Carroll, our only other recruit to CUSA, is already a PhD and two MS’s. Warren is a scriptwriter for Lifeline, the H.L. Hunt television and radio series. Hunt is the millionaire oilman.”
“Warren is 32, former CIA man. Don’t worry, he has been checked out.”
“Hunt checked him out.”
(This appears to be a military action, DIA. They have to check out the CIA man, using Hunt’s security).
After Jack Ruby was arrested for killing Oswald inside the Dallas jail, there were copies of Warren Carroll’s Lifeline on the seat of his car. The section was on “Heroism,” on how to become a “hero.” This is interesting because one of the first reasons Ruby gave for killing Oswald was, “I wanted to show them a Jew had guts.”
“We want to get Norman into the Republic National Bank … where we are building our credit like crazy for the day we need ready cash.”
(The Dallas Republic National Bank was identified by the Washington Post, February 26, 1967, as a conduit of CIA funds since 1958.)
(Connie Trammel, who worked at the Republic National Bank, accompanied Jack Ruby to the office of Lamar Hunt, Wednesday, Nov. 20, 1963, two days before Kennedy was assassinated.)
October 1, 1963, Larry Schmidt to Munich, Germany:
“I have a lot of contacts, bankers, insurance men, realtors.”
“My brother began working as an aide to General Walker. Paid full time.”
“National Indignation Committee will merge in the Fall of 1963, as soon as Bernie and Norman are in Dallas.”
“This is a top secret merger and is not to be discussed outside the movement.”
October 29, 1963, Larry Schmidt to Munich Germany:
“This town is a battleground and that is no joke. I am a hero to the right, a stormtrooper to the left.”
“I have worked out a deal with the chairman of YAF. The arrangements are always delicate, very delicate. If I don’t produce the bodies it is likely Dale (Davenport) will think me a phoney.”
“He needs our help now. Adlai Stevenson is scheduled here on the 24th.”
“Kennedy is scheduled in Dallas on November 24.”
“All big things are happening now.”
1963: A few connections in Dallas — Gen. Walter Dorberger, Michael and Ruth Paine
When George de Mohrenschildt was busy introducing Lee and Marina to the Dallas-Ft. Worth White Russian displaced Czarists, he managed to keep the social level equal with his American contacts. One casual dinner in the company of Michael and Ruth Paine, and that was enough meeting to set the Oswalds’ course. George and Jeane didn’t have to meet with them again. Ruth Paine would provide housing for Marina while Lee went to New Orleans. A few weeks later, she drove Marina to join Lee. After summer vacation at Wood’s Hole, Mass., Ruth returned and brought Marina to her home in Irving, Texas, while Lee was on the bus to Mexico with Albert Osborne/John Bowen, and four other Solidarists from the Russian network. After Kennedy was murdered, the Dallas police rushed to the Paine’s home. From that garage and elsewhere, via the Paines, came most of the incriminating evidence against Oswald. The alleged murder weapon never could be proven by the Warren Commission as ever having come from their garage.
The cropped photo that Life printed with Oswald holding a rifle came from a box removed from the garage, taken to the police department, then returned the next day, with nobody present to indicate where it came from.
Accessory after the fact, the letter was delivered to Marina in December undated and unsigned, to cover up General Walker’s anxiety to blame a “Communist,” Lee, for shooting at him in April and came from Ruth to Marina. It wasn’t in the home before then. The Warren Commission required planted evidence sometimes in order to divert from Lee Oswald’s links to the Defense Department, assisted by Ruth and Michael Paine. Michael Paine’s occupation at Bell Aircraft is the Defense Department. This job requires security clearances, so what would the unlikely Oswalds be doing in his home? Oswald, the “defector?” Paine’s boss at Bell Aircraft as Director of Research and Development, was none other than the noterious war criminal General Walter Dornberger. Dornberger was supposed to be hanged at Nuremburg for his war crimes, slave labor and mass murders.
The British warned the U.S. not to let him live because even after the war he was conniving for another one. As stated, “Dornberger is a menace of the first order who is untrustworthy. His attitude will turn ally against ally and he would become a source of irritation and future unrest.” (Project Paperclip. Clarence Lasby.)
The very first call to authorities after the gun went off on November 22, 1963, was from an employee at Bell Helicopter who suggested “Oswald did it.” Police never located the source of both Oswald addresses that day. Michael Paine took Lee to a meeting with General Edwin Walker shortly before the assassination. Soon Oswald would be charged with having shot Walker in April, and Walker would be calling his nazi cronies in Germany 24 hours after JFK was killed telling them he finally solved “who shot through his window” seven months earlier: the same Oswald. Who were the Paines? To believe the Warren Commission and the CIA staff of lawyers, they were Mr. and Mrs. Good Neighbor, all heart, altruistic. Ruth simply wanted to learn more Russian from a native. For that price, she housed Marina, a two-year-old daughter, a new infant, with all the fuss and mess of three extras in a tiny house. Michael Paine was a descendant of the Cabots on both sides. His cousin Thomas Dudley Cabot, former president of United Fruit, had offered their Gibraltar Steamship as a cover for the CIA during the Bay of Pigs. Another cousin was Alexander Cochrane Forbes, a director of United Fruit and trustee of Cabot, Cabot, and Forbes. Both Allen Dulles and John J. McCloy were part of the United Fruit team. The Paine family had links with circles of the OSS and the CIA. Ruth Hyde Paine maintained close ties with the Forbes families. Peter Dale Scott investigated the Paines, “the patrician Paine and Forbes families.” A far cry from anybody’s neighbor. Michael’s education came as a tradition, third generation physicist at Harvard before working for Bell Helicopter. The British were correct on the Dornberger evaluation. Another clue to Albert Speer, the Reichmaster for Munitions and War Production, and General Dornberger, is their meeting as early as April, 1943. When it was obvious to Hitler they would be losing the war against the USSR, all top Nazis made detailed plans for two years on how to proceed next. Speer met with Dornberger, at Peenemunde, the missile and rocket factory run with Werner Von Braun, and instructed him in “the dispersion of functions throughout the Reich.”
Translated, that meant get ready to come to the U.S.
Lee Harvey Oswald, Albert Osborne
When Lee Harvey Oswald entered Mexico at Laredo, Texas, on Sept. 26, 1963, his companion on the Red Arrow bus was Albert Osborne, alias John Howard Bowen. Bowen-Osborne had been running a school for highly professional marksmen in Oaxaca, Mexico, since 1934. The cover for the place was his particular mission, and he was the missionary. The FBI records on Bowen go back to June 4, 1942, in Henderson Springs, Tennessee. He operated a camp for boys known as “Campfire Council.” Neighbors complained it was for pro-nazi activities with young fascists. Bowen vehemently opposed the U.S. going to war with nazi Germany. They stomped on the American flag. Before that, Bowen worked for the Tennessee Valley Authority since 1933. His dual citizenship between Great Britain and the U.S. took him over the entire globe. So did his use of multiple aliases. After the Warren Commission published their report in September 1964, several attorneys in the Southwest recognized the name of Osborne. September 8, 1952, Jake Floyd was murdered. The target was meant to be his father, District Judge Floyd. Two suspects were caught, one got away. Their testimony was about being hired by Osborne and how he ran the school for assassins. Later investigation revealed Osborne’s connections to Division V of the FBI, and to Clay Shaw’s Centro Mondiale Commerciale, with funding coming from New Orleans for the CIA, Anti-Castro Cubans, and others. Lee Harvey Oswald applied for a tourist card to enter Mexico while still in New Orleans on September 17, 1963. Four other persons, having consecutive tourist numbers, departed nine days later, like Oswald, all to arrive at the same time, entering from several different cities. They were part of the White Russian Solidarists, the Gehlen emigre community that Lee and Marina mingled with. This assassination team funded Maurice Brooks Gatlin, Guy Bannister, and the Miami office of Double Check Corporation. J. Edgar Hoover’s Division V, Domestic Intelligence, working with the American Council of Christian Churches, had used this group from the Bowen-Osborne academy of assassins. Volume XXV of the Hearings has many pages of interviews with people who had sent money to Jack Bowen. They never met him, and some like Mrs. Bessie White, Pikesville, Tenn., mailed “$35 a month to John Howard Bowen who she believed had been doing missionary work for 18 years in Mexico.” Osborne-Bowen had a mission. Lee Harvey Oswald, agent from U.S. Defense Dept., had a team of doubles impersonating his behavior, leaving trails of anti-American frustration and meetings with various people. While Oswald was in Mexico just prior to Kennedy’s murder, the purposes were concealed. Meanwhile, the CIA and various authorities led Oswald to the Cuban Embassy, the Soviet Embassy. When the face or voices didn’t match the authentic Oswald, it didn’t matter, given a difference of 40 to 50 pounds and shape. What came from all this was the conclusion that Oswald had really wanted to go to Cuba next. Which Oswald, and why?
This was to finalize with the illusion of an Oswald-Castro admiration just days before Kennedy would be killed.
Senator John Tower and Marina Oswald
One of the most consistent conservatives among Buckley’s YAF Advisory Board was Senator John Tower, Texas. If there is anything he wouldn’t want in his back yard it was a defector and his allegedly Communist wife from Minsk. Yet, two years after joining the YAF team in 1960, Tower was passing all waivers in order for Marina Oswald to get to the United States as soon as possible. Without his permission, this trip might never have taken place. Many wives from the USSR are not that lucky. March 22, 1962, Senator Tower cooperated. “The sanctions imposed on immigration and nationality are hereby waived in behalf of Mrs. Oswald. The file check on Marina by the FBI, CIA, Dept. of Security Office, Division of biographical intelligence and passport office,” (Volume XXIV, 298). George de Mohrenschildt testified in Volume IX, pages 228-229, “Marina Oswald’s father had been a Czarist officer of some kind. I don’t remember whether it was army or navy.” Her real father was never identified by name in all of the testimony. Between 1948 and 1950 over 200 Byelorussian nazis and their families were brought to New Jersey. Both George de Mohrenschildt and Marina had come from Minsk, part of the Byelorussian area. The Gehlen nazi emigres were useful to every part of the Kennedy assassination cover-up.
John Tower knew Marina was a safe bet. Otherwise, why the hurry? Our CIA and the Defense Department knew all there was to know about both Oswalds. Therefore, Tower signed the immigration papers fast.
The Argentine Connections: Isaac Dan Levine and the Ziger Family
The Warren Report wasn’t published until September, 1964. Testimony of witnesses and exhibits were being collected up to the day of printing. Yet as early as June 2, 1964, Isaac Don Levine, another arch-enemy of Communists and a so-called expert on the Soviet mind, was arranging with the Warren Commission staff to bring the daughters of Oswald’s boss, Alexander Ziger, from the Minsk Radio factory to Argentina. He suggested using CIA assistance. What was that about? “When the Oswalds left Russia they smuggled out a message to one of the relatives of the Zigers living in the U.S. They wanted help to get the Zigers’ daughters out of Russia. The daughters, having been born in Argentina, could claim Argentine citizenship. Levine suggested some confidential source in the American Government such as the CIA should contact the Argentine Government to set machinery in motion. (Memorandum from W. David Slauson: Conference with Mr. Isaac Don Levine, May 23, 1964). January 21, 1964, John J. McCloy told Commission members, before any witness was yet called, “this fellow Levine is a contact with Marina to break the story up in a little more graphic manner and tie it into a Russian business, and it is with the thought and background of Russian connections, conspiracy concept.” If there was a Russian conspiracy to kill President John Kennedy, John McCloy, Isaac Don Levine, Allen Dulles, and J. Edgar Hoover, not to speak of Nixon and others, would squeeze that out. Remember Gary Powers strongly hinted at Oswald’s role in downing the U-2, breaking up the Eisenhower-Khrushchev meeting while Lee was employed at the Minsk Radio factory? Nicolae Malaxa, Otto Skorzeny, and international CIA-DIA agents were thick in both Minsk and Argentina. It was Alexander Ziger and his family who introduced Lee to Marina Oswald. That same evening they were at the home of an unidentified woman just returned from the U.S. The President of the U.S. had been murdered in 1963. Six months later the CIA is supposed to assist the Ziger daughters? One more connection to Richard Nixon.
When poor Whittaker Chambers almost collapsed from the strain of having to testify against Alger Hiss, it was Isaac Don Levine who took “Chambers by the arm, a reluctant Chambers, and arranged the meetings where he would begin to smear Hiss.” (Friendship and Fratricide, Meyer Zelig).
When Levine was searching for a Soviet connection to Kennedy’s death, he was also doing business with Marina’s new manager, James Martin. It was Martin who was selling the photo of Oswald posing with Communist literature and a rifle, the same evidence pulled from the Paine’s garage. Notice the similarity to the Whittaker Chambers pumpkin papers years earlier that launched Nixon’s political career and convicted Alger Hiss.
If the evidence didn’t fit the conclusions of the investigators, the one picture would sell the Oswald assassin story.
“Treason for My Daily Bread” — Argentina and Martin Bormann
In August 1971, a French paper headlined a news story, “Martin Bormann behind the Kennedy murders.” It listed an international band of killers that was located in Texas. They carried out the two assassinations at the German command.
Six years later, June 8, 1977, the London Guardian reported, “Bormann Linked with Kennedy Murder.” This story was based on a new book titled, Treason for My Daily Bread by Mikhail Lebedev. Lebedev detailed how Martin Bonnann left Europe, established his current life in Paraguay, and how the fatal head shot to Kennedy was delivered by an agent paid by Bormann, alias of Zed. Is any of this true?
Many of these allegations and names come together with both Paris Flammonde’s The Kennedy Conspiracy and the Nomenclature of an Assassination Cabal, known as the Torbitt Document.
“Zed” allegedly used a .45 for the final shot. Buddy Walters, murdered January 10, 1969, picked up a .45 slug in Dealey Plaza and gave it to the Dallas Police. There were two possible assassination teams in Dallas. The military from Munich, Germany, that was to take over the YAF, with Robert Morris’ help, have yet to be identified or interviewed (Morris from U.S. intelligence, having to do with USSR covert work.) Gen. Edwin Walker’s arrangement with U.S. Military in Germany or, the arrival of such people for Nov. 22, 1963, is open to question. Albert Osborne’s “mission” in Mexico, with direct links to Clay Shaw’s Centro Mondiale Commerciale, has never been touched. This was the international band of killers with the Borghese-James Angleton operations working throughout the world. Otto Skorzeny’s CIA and Reinhard Gehlen death squads, with headquarters in Madrid, were funded by Martin Bormann when the Evita Peron funds were shared after 1952. Lebedev mentions “Ruth,” David Ferrie, Clay Shaw, Guy Bannister, and Colonel Orlov. The very first day George de Mohrenschildt visited Marina Oswald she was alone and Lee was working. He brought with him a “Colonel Orlov.”
The House Select Committee on Assassinations “investigated” the murder of President John F. Kennedy from 1976-1978. The information about Bormann was available from 1971. Treason for My Daily Bread was published while they were supposed to be finding the smoking gun.
G. Robert Blakey, Chief Consul for the Committee, refused to admit any research or documents on these subjects. He would hang up the telephone and even refused to say if he had ever seen the Torbitt Document. Six million dollars was allotted by Congress to investigate the assassination of President Kennedy. Martin Bormann may have had his motives for his actions through the years. What were G. Robert Blakey’s? What form of prosecution should be suggested for committees paid to uncover the truth who continuously sweep under the rug?
In A Study of a Master Spy, published in London in 1961, Bob Edwards, a member of Parliament and Kenneth Dunne, presented documentary evidence that Allen Dulles of the CIA carried on secret conferences with representatives of Hitler’s SS Security Office in February and March 1943. They learned that “Official Washington knew Martin Bormann, Deputy Fuhrer of Hitler’s Germany, master-minded the international ‘Die Spinne’ (Spider) underground organization which is planning to revive nazism as soon as West Germany is adequately rearmed by the United States. Official Washington seems disinterested.”
With John J. McCloy, Allen Dulles and J. Edgar Hoover in control of the Kennedy assassination investigation, these nazi connections were buried.
The CIA’s Man: The Chronology of Helmet Streikher
1937: Trained for the Gustapo’s S.S Officers. A graduate of The University of Bonn Germany. Went to Military School at Blutordensberg, located at Vogelsang Castle.
1938: Assigned to Spain to join General Francisco Franco.
1939-1940: In the U.S. he learned English and American customs. His cover was as a German journalist working for Adolph Hitler.
1940-1941: Was with Reinhard Gehlen in Eastern Europe. He will join Gehlen when they are both working for Army intelligence.
1943-1945: Streikher worked with Skorzeny.
1945: May 7, 1945, Streikher surrenders to Allies and is cleared for intelligence, accepted for U.S. Army by October 1945.
1946-1947: He works for the OSS (Officers of Strategic Services) in Europe, Central Intelligence Group. CIG.
1948-1950: Streikher was stationed in Israel, Greece, Europe, Africa and Middle East. OSS becomes CIA.
1951-1957: CIA assigned back to General Gehlen, now in his German offices of the BND.
1958: In the U.S. Training Army Intelligence offices and CIA.
1958-1961: Helps plan Cuban Invasion. Active in the Bay of Pigs.
1961-1965: He was in Africa, Middle East, and United States on CIA assignment. On November 22, 1963, he said, “One of the worst kept secrets in the C, is the truth about the President’s murder. It wasn’t Castro or the Russians. The men who killed Mr. Kennedy were CIA contract agents.” “John Kennedy’s murder was a two-part conspiracy murder. One was the action end with the killers; the other was the deeper part, the acceptance and protection of that murder by the Intelligence aparatus that controls the way the world operates.”
“It had to happen. The man was too independent for his own good.”
1968-1970: Senior Field Agent for CIA. Disguised as a writer.
1971-1973: Back in the United States. Langley, Virginia, training and making plans under assignment.
1974-1977: Under George Bush, director of CIA, Streikher sent to Africa and Middle East.
1978-1980: Contract agent on special assignment for CIA. June 15, 1980 he retired.
Other Known Aliases: U.S. Army officer Captain William Raine, also known as Ross Meyers, Hans Mollof, Karl Rolff, and Mark Schmidt. He had nine (9) other pieces of identification in other names and nationalities, some in the form of passports.
The Bunge Corporation, Argentina & Germany
The stock market dropped 24 points in 27 minutes when news of President Kennedy’s assassination was announced. 2.6 million shares were sold off. It was the greatest panic since 1929. Somebody made a huge profit selling short in many markets. Somebody made half a billion dollars in one day. Coincidentally, the Allied Crude Vegetable Oil Refining Corporation, headed by New Jersey commodities dealer Anthony De Angeles, crashed the same day, driving the market down. Allied Crude was controlled by U.S. American Bunge Corporation and financially controlled by a group of share-holders headquartered in Argentina, known as “Bunge and Born, LDA.” Business Week of October 19, 1963, one month before the Kennedy assassination, described the Born family in Argentina, the biggest shareholders for Bunge, as being from Europe, specifically Germany. Everything about Bunge has German influence. They have a $2 billion annual business in 80 countries. There are over 110 offices, all linked by Telex and under-the-ocean telegraph channels. The Bunge Corporation is referred to as “the Octopus.”
The book Were We Controlled? detailed the relationship of the Bunge Corporation, the foreknowledge of Kennedy’s murder, and the Argentine-German connections.
General Edwin Walker and the Hitler Nazis
The Eagle’s Nest, now a mountain restaurant, was given to Adolf Hitler by nazi aide Martin Bormann for the fuhrer’s 50th birthday. It is not far from Hitler’s former summer home in Berchtesgaden. Nearby is the Platterhof Hotel, built for guests when they came to pay their respects. The Platterhof has changed its name to the General Walker Hotel. November 23, 1963, one day after Kennedy’s death, Gen. Edwin Walker called Munich, Germany, from Shreveport, La. Walker’s important story, via transatlantic telephone, was to the nazi newspaper Deutsche National Zeitung un Soldaten-Zeitung. Walker couldn’t wait to tell them in Munich that Lee Harvey Oswald, the lone suspect in the Dallas murders, was the same person who shot through his window in April, 1963. There was never one shred of evidence, or a reliable witness, that could make this connection Dallas police and FBI were taken by surprise. In order to cover this over-exuberance of trying to link a Marxist assassin to this altercation, it became necessary to have Ruth Paine deliver that ridiculous letter to Marina Oswald on December 3, 1964. The delayed letter was to have been written the night Lee was out shooting in Walker’s home. The only piece of bullet that remained in custody was never positively identified as coming from the 6.5 Mannlicher Carcano, and there is no proof Oswald even handled this rifle. Why was General Walker in such a hurry to get his information printed in Germany before anybody in Dallas ever heard about it? Kurt-George Kiesinger had just been installed as Chancellor of West Germany and Franz-Josef Straus as finance minister. Kissinger entered the radio propaganda division of nazi Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop at age 36. He was then directing a world-wide radio propaganda apparatus with 195 specialists under his supervision during the war. He was the liaison officer, coordinating his department’s work with that of Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels. Richard Nixon and Kurt-George Kiesinger were soon, or maybe before, to become pals. Nixon tried to hide his nazi past. But General Walker, now home from military service in Munich, knew the importance of such propaganda. He was calling the same people who, under Hitler, published and controlled the newspapers. There were two motives for this call. First, it gave international attention to the fact that Oswald, the Marxist gunman, was shooting at Walker as well as the President. General Walker knew too many people in the Defense Department and in the Dallas-Fort Worth area that could be part of this assassination. He made himself appear as a victim instead of a suspect. The other reason, along with the expertise of Robert Morris’s counter-intelligence and psychological warfare training, was to create a profile for Lee Harvey Oswald. No possible motive could explain why Oswald would really want to kill President Kennedy. By having Oswald appear to shoot the right-wing General Walker with his John Birch connections, his militant anti-communist stance, then shoot John Kennedy, the same Commie-symp Walker was accusing of treason, it would appear that Oswald was just nuts. He didn’t know right from left. The Munich newspaper Walker called was linked to the World Movement for a Second Anti-Komintern, part of the Gehlen and U.S. right. Some of Hitler’s ex-nazis and SS-men were on the Staff. The editor, Gerhard Frey, was a close friend with various nazi members of the Witiko League. The Witiko League and the Sudetendeutch Landsmannscraft were organizations for displaced refugees. By the summer of 1948 they formed large organizations and by 1955 Dr. Walter Becher was elected to the executive board of the Witiko League. Becher was one of the kingpins of nazi front organizations. Sen. Joe McCarthy, Charles Willoughby, Gen. Edwin Walker, and Robert Morris’ links to the German nazis converged when Dr. Walter Becher set up offices in Washington, D.C. in 1950. By July 16, 1957, Becher, praised by American Opinion and other extreme right publications, started his policy of liberation. General Douglas MacArthur, Senator Joe McCarthy, General Willoughby, members of the U.S. Congress or public officials then started openly to meet with and cooperate with the nazi resurgence. Dan Smooth, former Dallas FBI agent is the type of person who kept strong nazi ties with Dr. Becher in Munich, to Western Goals today. His printed sheets were identical to the Goebbels propaganda years ago, or to Walker’s disinformation one day after Kennedy was killed. Volkmar Schmidt came from Munich, Germany, to work full time for General Walker. How long did he work, and where was he on November 23, 1963, when Walker made the call to the same city the CUSA imports came from?
The YAF crowd in Dallas was an interesting gang: Col. Charles Willoughby, intelligence Chief for S. Pacific, Robert Morris, U.S. counter-intelligence and psychological warfare, Gen Edwin Walker, brought home from Munich by JFK, William Buckley, CIA in Japan, Mexico, and elsewhere, Sen. John Tower, who gave the okay for Marina Oswald.
1964: The Warren Commission
President Lyndon Johnson was forced to select a commission to investigate the assassination of President Kennedy and the murder of Lee Harvey Oswald by Jack Ruby. Texas authorities were supposed to do the original investigation. There were too many suspicious people around the world who believed a conspiracy existed. Those rumors had to be squelched. J. Edgar Hoover’s FBI never budged from its conclusion that Lee Harvey acted alone. Whatever evidence didn’t fit this decision was ignored.
Twenty-six volumes of witness testimony and exhibits were published. 8000 copies were sold. No more reprints. The contradiction between the conclusions of the Warren Report, and the abundance of discrepancies in the other volumes, makes fascinating reading.
Chief Justice Earl Warren, John J. McCloy, and Allen Dulles were the logical choices for LBJ. President Kennedy didn’t trust Allen Dulles as CIA Director. Now JFK was dead and Dulles would be in charge of all possible “conspiracy” segments. Richard Nixon, temporarily retired from politics for the first time since 1946, selected Rep. Gerald Ford to be on this Commission. Nixon selected Ford a second time when he ran home to escape impeachment during Watergate. One of the first subjects for commission members to share in January, one month before witnesses were selected, was the matter of Lee Harvey Oswald being a government agent. Gerald Ford was the only member of the group to write a book on the assassination. His book opened with the hushed and secret meeting where allegations had been received that Oswald worked for the FBI. What Ford left out of his book, and the commissioners ignored in their Report, was that Oswald was also identified as working for the CIA. Commission Chairman Earl Warren and Commission Attorney Leon Jaworski knew about this. They stated that “Mr. Belli, attorney for Jack L. Ruby, was familiar with these allegations.” Oswald’s informant number was Number 110669. How was that for a starter? The next move was to start building the myth about the deceased and ignore fact one, stated above. This grand commission would call in a doctor who never met Lee Oswald or Jack Ruby to assist them with their project, covering up. Justice Warren suggested bringing in Dr. Overholser, who “of course is not a lawyer. He is a doctor from St. Elizabeth’s Hospital.” As the Chairman went on to explain, “we felt we ought to have someone who, in that field, could advise us on matters concerning the life of Oswald and possibly the life of Ruby also.” The next order of business was who should write the Report for them? By January 21, 1964, that had to be decided. Chairman Earl Warren said, “we consulted with the Defense Department, and they have offered to lend us one of their historians to do this job, and we think that it is quite essential to the work of the Commission.” Mr. Goldberg would assist from the Air Force. Mr. Cokery was from the Army. “Mr. Winnaker recommended them,” Chief Counsel J. Lee Rankin offered. “We would work with them to try to anticipate all of the various historical aspects.”
“Who’s Who in the CIA” described “Mr. Winnaker” as having been born in Germany in 1904. His full name is Dr. Rudolph August Winnacker. He was an analyst for the OSS, historian in the War Department from 1945-1949, and then Chief of Historical Division of the Pentagon.”
Was Winnaker the ilk of Willoughby? Or Reinhard Gehlen? When did he come here from Germany? Where is he now?
Photo by Manuel Gonzales Bustos
Gehlen after the 1972 funeral of Wehrmacht Col. Gen. Franz Halder
Marina Oswald was the first witness to testify on February 3, 1964. Warren wanted nothing more than to make her comfortable. The first question dealt with the General Walker story because Walker had blown it by calling Munich so soon. That scandal had to be put to rest right away. Warren asked Marina “if Exhibit 2 was familiar to her because it was a picture of General Walker’s house?” Marina said, “no,” but that wasn’t good enough. She was asked again, and once more said, “I didn’t see it, at least, taken from this view I can’t recognize it. I never saw the house itself at any time in my life.” That wasn’t sufficient. She just couldn’t remember “this particular one.” Chairman Warren was ready to go “off the record.” They had only just begun. Chief Counsel Rankin suggested he show her “more pictures,” then maybe she would recognize the Walker home. This time she was given a selection of a location in New Orleans, two snapshots from Leningrad, and the same shot of the Walker home. Because Walker wasn’t living in a castle in Leningrad, Marina assumed that house in Dallas must belong to “General Walker.” Therefore this was admitted for identification. The Defense Department history could then proceed. “Marina Oswald positively identified the photograph of General Walker’s home among Lee’s possessions.” There are a lot of things that remain to be said about this commission and their phoney report. Admission of an old card trick at the beginning set the tone for what was to follow. What was never supposed to come out was the use of Reinhard Gehlen agents surrounding Lee and Marina Oswald for the purposes of covering up the assassination conspiracy. Two Lee Harvey Oswalds existed. One memorized the Marine manual by age 17, went directly into radar and electronic work. He trained at U-2 bases, learned the Russian language, got himself into and out of the Soviet Union, wrote clear and literate letters. He was met, upon arriving home, by Government agents, provided with occupations, fathered two children, owed no debts, traveled around a great deal, met with interesting oil geologists, defense department and intelligence agents. Their social circle included the “Cabots and Lodges” from Czarist Russia, Admirals and some fancy folks. The other Oswald was one developed by the Warren Commission to divert attention from the facts. Nobody ever saw the original “diary” that he couldn’t have possibly written.
Every Gehlen witness and emigre associated with the CIA, Tolstoy Foundation, or Greek Orthodox Church was directed towards the most ridiculous questions. From all that garbage the Defense Department wrote the history.
The last thing that should happen is for the warriors to interpret and define for us. The facts speak for themselves. Mae Brussell is a researcher based in Carmel, California. Her weekly radio program, World Watchers, has been broadcast for the last thirteen years
WASHINGTON — Adolf Hitler’s top intelligence officials worked with U.S. intelligence during World War II, according to a transcript made available Tuesday of secret testimony by Allen Dulles before a House committee in 1947.
The Nazi officials provided information about Germany’s missile program that led to the allied bombing of the bases from which the Germans launched rockets against Britain, Dulles told the committee.
Dulles testified June 27, 1947, at a hearing by the House Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments that laid the basis for establishment later that year of the Central Intelligence Agency. Dulles became CIA director.
The House Government Operations Committee, successor to the expenditures committee, voted unanimously Tuesday to release the transcript.
Dulles, identified in the transcript as ‘Mr. B,’ was a key figure during World War II in the Office of Strategic Services, the predecessor to the CIA.
The transcript of his testimony confirmed previous disclosures over the years on how U.S. intelligence had penetrated key Nazi organizations.
Dulles said about 10 percent of the Abwehr, the German central intelligence agency operating under the joint chiefs of staff, turned against Hitler because they were ‘disgusted with Hitler’s tactics’ and opposed his ‘treatment of the Russians.’
‘I had a certain measure of success in penetrating the German intelligence service, the German Foreign Office, and certain other of the German agencies,’ he testified.
While he was OSS chief operating out of neutral Switzerland, top German counterintelligence officials like Adm. Wilhelm Canaris, who headed the Abwehr, and Canaris’ deputy were in direct touch with him, Dulles told the committee.
They and others, including two agents attached to the German Consulate at Zurich, ‘furnished information to me of a very valuable nature,’ Dulles said.
‘I think we received some of the first information we had about the German development of the guided missile, and some of the first clues that led us to the bombing of Peenemuende and things of that kind from men in the German Intelligence Service working for us,’ Dulles said.
Peenemuende was the German missile construction base on the Baltic coast where scientists like Wernher von Braun, who later worked for the U.S. space program, developed the devastating V-1 and V-2 rockets launched against England from coastal bases in occupied France.
After the location of the bases became known, the Royal Air Force and U.S. Army Air Corps bombed them repeatedly.
Asked whether it was not true that Canaris was in fact his agent, Dulles replied: ‘That is going a little far.’
But Dulles said, ‘I had working with me several of the men in Canaris’ organization and I was in direct touch with Canaris, especially with General Oster, who was chief of staff and in charge of his intelligence.’
‘About 10 percent of the Abwehr became anti-Nazi,’ Dulles said. ‘They became disgusted with Hitler’s tactics and they opposed Hitler’s activities against the Russians and his treatment of the Russians and, as a result, it was possible to penetrate the Abwehr.’
Dulles told the committee the top five officials of the German intelligence agency, including Canaris and Oster, ‘were all executed as traitors.’
‘There was a good reason for that?’ a congressman asked.
‘Yes, they were traitors in the German sense. There is no doubt. Two of the men worked with me,’ Dulles replied.
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January 6, 1983, Section A, Page 27Buy Reprints
Two spy stories – hidden for more than a generation – surfaced last week, each knifing to the heart of the questions ”What is treason? What is patriotism?”
The House of Representatives made public 1947 secret testimony on the legislative history of the Central Intelligence Agency. Allen Dulles, who had been our spymaster in Europe during World War II and later headed the C.I.A., revealed that throughout the war ”I was in direct touch with Canaris.”
Admiral Wilhelm Canaris was the head of the Abwehr, Germany’s military intelligence organization. ”They furnished information to me,” testified Dulles, ”… about the German development of the guided missiles, and some of the first clues that led to the bombing of Peenemunde.” He added, ”The top five men in the German intelligence service were all executed as traitors.”
Asked if that judgment was reasonable, Mr. Dulles replied: ”They were traitors in the German sense …” Ten percent of the Abwehr were anti-Nazi because ”they became disgusted with Hitler’s tactics.”
Thus, because the German officer worked actively against his country’s barbarous government, Admiral Canaris was hanged by the Gestapo and branded ”traitor” even by the American who dealt with him.
Switch now to our side, and to the forthcoming autobiography of Michael Straight. Mr. Straight was given every advantage that American money and high society could provide. His mother was a multimillionaire, his father a respected artist. After an education at Cambridge, in England, the handsome and personable young man took tea with Mrs. Roosevelt and wound up in the State Department and as a minor speechwriter in F.D.R.’s White House. He dabbled in journalism as an editor of The New Republic, which his liberal parents had founded.
He served honorably in World War II training to be a bomber pilot; after the war, he joined the most brow-furrowing committees, wrote a book denouncing McCarthyism and swam easily in the cultural waters. The momentum he built on the Kennedy Arts Council earned him an appointment during the Nixon years as deputy chairman of the National Endowment on the Arts. An exemplary public life.
His clandestine life began in England when he was recruited by the Cambridge don and Soviet agent, An-thony Blunt. Mr. Straight was sent home to the U.S. to become a high-level ”mole.” While in F.D.R.’s White House, he admits to having given five political analyses to his Soviet control officer, which he insists drew on no secret information. (How delicious it must have been for a Red under the bed to deride Joe McCarthy for looking for Reds under the bed.)
His greatest contribution to the Soviet spy system came in 1951, when he ran into another of Mr. Blunt’s recruits, Guy Burgess, in Washington. The thought crossed Mr. Straight’s mind that Mr. Burgess was running an espionage operation out of the British Embassy which had probably cost thousands of American lives in the Korean War. Did he turn his old friend in, and thereby compromise the worldwide web of Soviet agents? Hardly; Mr. Straight relates with great pride how he told the top Soviet agent to stop spying and go home. Mr. Burgess promptly picked up his partner and lover, Donald Maclean, and fled to Moscow in the most famous spy defection of our time.
Over a decade later, when Mr. Straight wanted a place in the cultural whirl of John Kennedy’s Washington, he told his friend Arthur Schlesinger Jr. that the F.B.I. ought to be made aware of a few events in the Straight past. His belated confession – made not after a sudden insight that loyalty to country comes before loyalty to college chums, but strictly to clear his career path – led to the end of the spying of Anthony Blunt in London. The F.B.I. paid off by treating its well-connected witness the way the British Old Boy Network treats its high-born embarrassments: by giving Mr. Straight a clearance for future government jobs and decades of guaranteed silence.
Can Michael Straight fairly be called a traitor? Not really, because no purpose or passion guided his double life. Evidently that word is not currently applied to White House aides who do political analysis for the Kremlin, or to citizens who fail to report what they know to be espionage until the spy is safely gone.
In that light, let us reconsider Allen Dulles’s too-quick assessment of Wilhelm Canaris. Here was a man who placed his honor as a German officer, his duty to his fatherland and his responsibility as a human being ahead of his loyalty to a mad leader. With courage and clarity of purpose, Admiral Canaris deliberately dared to commit the crime of high treason – and needs no self-justifying memoir to be remembered not as a traitor but as a patriot.